Integralism, MacIntyre, and Final Ends: Towards a Secular Account of Christian Politics

By Felix de St. Vincent and Brett Favras


Here, Felix de St. Vincent and Brett Favras  argue that—contrary the recent claim that Alasdair MacIntyre is “anti-integralist”—MacIntyre’s thought, if not itself integralist, at least points in that direction. Provocative as always, they offer an excellent exposition of MacIntyre’s own thought and respond to certain, perhaps simplistic, readings of his works.

Regardless of where MacIntyre himself is ultimately placed, MacIntyre’s thought has undeniable value for integralist thinkers for two chief reasons. First, although the relation of church and state is historically the defining feature of integralism, no less defining is integralism’s insistence on the primacy of the common good. Today, indeed, the few thinkers who accept any notion of the common good tend to view it as something instrumental and private. Not so Alasdair MacIntyre. Second, MacIntyre correctly rejects the confusion of nature and grace that was so prominent in 20th century Theology. A correct understanding of this distinction is, as Pater Edmund has argued, vital to a proper account of an integralist dyarchy.

To these two may be added a third reason his thought is a useful admonition (or perhaps corrective in some cases) for integralists: MacIntyre warns that we must be careful not to replace one leviathan with another. MacIntyre’s sees that justice exists in multiple coordinate but separate spheres, each with its own proper end. An integralist state that subsumed family and subsidiarity would not be a just order but yet another tyranny. ——The Editors.


The philosophical work of Alasdair MacIntyre is a touchstone for post-liberal political theory, especially in the English-speaking world, and especially for Christians. Most prominently, his work inspires the Benedict Option movement, although he has repudiated this development. There has been less of a concerted effort to link MacIntyre to the revival of Catholic integralism. Nevertheless, some affinities are obvious: MacIntyre is a Thomist, a critic of the liberal separation of politics from concern with a shared conception of human ends.[1]

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The Josias Podcast, Episode VIII: Basic Concepts – Virtue

A freewheeling discussion in which our editors have a very TAC moment discussing the connection of the music of the spheres and the virtues, and then set out to discuss Aristotle’s Virtue Ethics, but somehow talk more about Plato. Important topics are covered such as, how much virtue does it take to refrain from throwing a baby from an upper-story window? Is there any sense in which Bertrand Russell has virtue? All this, and so much more!

The editors had so much fun that the time slipped by without even getting to the supernatural virtues or the post-enlightenment revolt against virtue.

Bibliography

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Liberalism’s Fear

By Adrian Vermeule


In honor of Prof. Ryszard Legutko and his book, The Demon in Democracy,  the Consul-General of Poland, Maciej Golubiewski, convened an event on May 9, 2018, to address the following topic: “Democratic Reformers or Illiberal Backsliders? Poland and the challenges of sovereign politics in the West.” Professor Vermeule has kindly agreed to allow us to publish the illuminating remarks that he delivered at this event. One need not think democracy is the best form of government to realize that it is not, in and of itself, liberal. Liberalism, however, needs democracy, or more precisely it needs the “periodic ceremony” of democracy.
–The Editors


I want to thank the Consul-General for arranging this event. It’s always a pleasure to have a chance to honor Prof. Legutko, whose book helped to awaken so many of us from our modernist slumbers, into the light of a new dogmatism.

The title of the panel is “Democratic Reformers or Illiberal Backsliders?” And my answer is “Both.” Let me start with a puzzle. I know, or know of, a number of U.S. and U.K. academics, journalists, and other intelligentsia who spend their careers in a state that can only be described as professional hysteria, particularly directed at Poland, Hungary, and Brexit. In this state of hysteria, the meanings of words are redefined. The Polish election, although free and fair, represents a threat to “democracy”; the passage of legislation according to constitutional procedures, such as the Polish parliamentary law on the judiciary, becomes a threat to the “rule of law”; and so forth. What is the root cause of this extraordinary reaction?

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