Integralism and the Hermeneutic of Reform

The term integralism does not describe a movement or a philosophical school. It is simply a word coined in the nineteenth century to describe the opposite of a grievous error condemned by the Church— liberalism. It is thus analogous to terms such as dyophysite, iconodule or transubstantiationist. It names orthodoxy in a particular area of Catholic teaching.

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Announcement: Volume 2 of The Josias in Print

integralism and the common good

We are very pleased to announce the publication of the second volume of Integralism and the Common Good, containing selected essays from The Josias, from Angelico Press. It is now purchasable on Amazon for $22.95 in paperback and for $32.00 in hardcover. Whereas the first volume included essays relating to the themes of family, the city, and the state, this second volume cuts straight to the heart of the Catholic integralist doctrine itself, laying down the traditional teaching concerning the relations of the civil and ecclesiastical powers and the consequences thereof with exceptional clarity. Some of our best and most important essays are contained in this volume, including a number of pieces clarifying the core juridical concepts defining the rights of Church and State in relation to each other, as well as seminal theological essays expanding on Integralism in Three Sentences, such as Pater Edmund Waldstein’s Integralism and Gelasian Dyarchy, Integralism and the Logic of the Cross, Urban Hannon’s The Politics of Hell, Thomas Pink’s Vatican II and Crisis in the Theology of Baptism, and much more. Needless to say, this volume will be an essential addition to every Catholic library and bookstore.

The Editors

God’s Knowledge of Future Contingents: A Response to Alasdair MacIntyre

Alasdair MacIntyre—one of greatest Catholic thinkers of his generation, and one of the most formative influences on my own intellectual development—has unfortunately capped his career by denying divine omniscience. At this weekend’s fall conference for the de Nicola Center for Ethics and Culture at the University of Notre Dame, MacIntyre delivered a keynote lecture entitled “The Apparent Oddness of the Universe: How to Account for It?” In this lecture, he argues that the Catholic tradition has been excessive in its praise for our All-Knowing God. For when it comes to future contingents—or at least the kind of creative and unpredictable future contingents that MacIntyre calls “singularities”—MacIntyre claims that God cannot know them any more than you or I can. “Until [a free created] agent finally makes her or his decision,” MacIntyre explains,

her or his future action is undetermined. There is no fact of the matter about what she or he is going to decide or to do, nothing to make any statement about, true or false. Not only does she or he not know what she or he is going to do, no one else can be said to know this either, including God. . . . So, even if an omniscient God does exist, there have been and will be numerous occasions on which he cannot be said to know what will be done or happen, until it is done or happens.

I think MacIntyre is horribly mistaken. In this essay, I will proceed in three parts: First, I will explain the orthodox tradition concerning God’s knowledge of future contingents, proceeding through Aristotle and St. Boethius and St. Thomas Aquinas. Second, I will say something about where Duns Scotus and William of Ockham fit into all of this, two thinkers whose accounts I do not accept, but who nevertheless agree with the conclusion of the orthodox tradition that God knows all things—including future contingents. Third, I will critique another modern Catholic philosopher who denied God’s omniscience in this regard, namely Peter Geach, whom MacIntyre cited in his replies to the objections in the Q&A, to justify his own imposition of limits on God’s knowledge.

Continue reading “God’s Knowledge of Future Contingents: A Response to Alasdair MacIntyre”

The Josias Podcast, Episode XXX: Queen Elizabeth II

Pater Edmund speaks with Pater Ælred Maria Anthony John Howard Davies, Subprior of Stift Heiligenkreuz, about the late Queen Elizabeth II.

Music: Henry Purcell, Thou Knowest, Lord 

If you have questions or comments, please send them to editors(at)thejosias.com.

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Many thanks to our generous supporters on Patreon, who enable us to pay for podcast hosting. If you have not yet joined them, please do so. You can set up a one-time or recurring donation in any amount. Even $1 a month would be splendid.

The Josias Podcast, Episode XXIX: The Movies

Contributors to The Josias and Ius & Iusitium pick their favorite movies and discuss them. 

The result of the draft:

To vote for a winner click here.

Bibliography

Tertullian, De Spectaculis (On the Shows)

John Francis Nieto, A Study of Film.

Music: Max Steiner, “Tara Theme” from Gone with the Wind. 

If you have questions or comments, please send them to editors(at)thejosias.com.

Follow us on Facebook and Twitter.

Many thanks to our generous supporters on Patreon, who enable us to pay for podcast hosting. If you have not yet joined them, please do so. You can set up a one-time or recurring donation in any amount. Even $1 a month would be splendid.

The Politics of Hell

By Urban Hannon

The following lecture was delivered at the Pro Civitate Dei summer school in La Londe-les-Maures, France on June 12, 2022.

Listen to audio of this essay here.

Let’s start with a little guided meditation. I want you to imagine a society—a society made up of self-absorbed, atomized individuals—a society in which the various members tolerate each other, because they know they need each other, but only so that each of them can achieve his own private ambitions and desires—a society, moreover, that is in open rebellion against its own origins. Sound familiar yet? Now I want you to imagine that, once upon a time, this society had been noble, and civil, and good—but that its citizens—especially its elite citizens—out of a disordered sense of pride, effected a revolution against that received ancient order. Imagine, if you will, that this revolution had some ironic consequences, such as that, in the name of liberating themselves from being subject to any official king, these citizens wound up creating for themselves an even more oppressive and authoritarian regime—and that their honorable hierarchy, which in their pettiness they would have liked to dissolve altogether, was merely replaced by a dishonorable hierarchy—that they traded an ordered harmony for hostile power relations, and a common good for private vices. Now imagine that this populace—who, again, hate their own heritage and devote all their time and energy to contradicting it, loudly—is in fact deeply unsatisfied, frustrated, lonely, sad. And yet imagine that, despite their unhappiness in this society, they also live in constant, ever-growing fear—fear that this society of theirs, and everything it stands for, is on the verge of defeat. Imagine, finally, that this hysterical anxiety of theirs makes them even more odious and offensive and obnoxious. Probably by now you are not having to imagine, because unfortunately what I have been describing is not imaginary. This is a society—or at least, a “society”—which is very real, which is all around us, and with which we are forced to interact on a daily basis. I am speaking, of course, of the society of Satan and his demons. This is a talk about the politics of hell.

Before we descend into the Inferno, however, I should say one preliminary word of thanks. Now I had hoped that the good Pater Edmund Waldstein might be here with us today, not because he’s who I am thanking, but because I was hoping at this point to get to troll him a bit with acronyms. You see, as some of you might already know, our friend Pater Edmund despises acronyms, complaining that “they impede signification and thought”—and so it is a good thing that Pater lives in Vienna rather than Rome, like me, because in the Eternal City the Church uses a seeming infinity of them. Every document, every dicastery, every degree has its own two- or three-letter abbreviation, and to keep up in conversation you are expected to be familiar with a rolodex worth, else you’re going to be confused by “CDW”—err, “DDW”—and alarmed by “STD.” My favorite Roman acronym, however, is for the Pontificia Academia Sancti Thomae Aquinatis, the Pontifical Academy of St. Thomas Aquinas: P-A-S-T-A: PASTA. And my word of thanks today is for the PASTA president, who, ironically, is a Frenchman. Fr. Serge-Thomas Bonino is a Dominican friar of the Toulouse province, my professor at the Angelicum, and probably the world’s foremost expert on the angelology of St. Thomas Aquinas. (The only person who could maybe compete for that title is Tobias Hoffmann, previously of CUA and now of the Sorbonne, who works on the fall of the demons and its implications for action theory—but I digress.) Fr. Serge-Thomas Bonino teaches in Italian and publishes almost exclusively in French, but his one book that is presently available in English translation is relevant to our topic today: Angels and Demons, of no-not-that-AngelsandDemons fame. Even more relevant, for those who have French, is an essay Fr. Bonino wrote in Revue Thomiste back in 2013, “Les écailles de Léviathan: ou de l’organisation de la société des démons selon les théologiens du treizième siécle”—“The Scales of Leviathan: Or On the Organization of the Demons’ Society According to Thirteenth-Century Theologians.” Most relevant of all, however, for those who have Italian—and a sabbatical—are Fr. Bonino’s classes in Rome. I was blessed to take one with him this past semester on evil, the final dispensa for which ended up coming in at exactly 666 kilobytes (I don’t think he planned that but I also wouldn’t put it past him)—as well as one on Satan and the demons, fittingly located in Room 6, which you might remember as the name of Christine Taylor’s 2006 horror movie about devil-worshipping doctors. All of this just to say: I will be borrowing heavily from Fr. Bonino in this lecture—which is not to imply that he would necessarily endorse all of its integralist conclusions—and if you are interested in learning more about these things after today there is no better man to turn to than Fr. Bonino. Thus concludes the acronyms-and-acknowledgements section of this talk.

As we turn to consider the demons themselves, I should warn you that we will not really be getting to their politics proper until the second half of this lecture. I hope it is fair to assume that I am not speaking to a room of professional angelologists, so we will have a good amount of ground to cover on our way there, so that we can appreciate what we will find when we arrive. I think it is best to begin by situating demonology within the whole of Christian theology, because there is always a risk of exaggerating the importance of Satan, or of becoming inordinately curious about the workings of the underworld. Don’t get me wrong: The demons are very real, and so is spiritual warfare. But, it turns out, indulging a morbid fascination with the devil is a great way to lose in that spiritual warfare. To steal St. John the Divine’s phrase from his letters to the churches in the Apocalypse: Beware of “scrutinizing the depths of Satan.” The demons have their place in our Catholic doctrine, therefore, but it is important to be clear about what that place is, and not to let them leave it. Here is how Fr. Bonino began our course this year:

The Catholic Church’s teaching on Satan and the demons is not at all the center of Christian revelation. It is a side teaching, a marginal doctrine, that is, a peripheral truth in the hierarchy of revealed truths. It needs to remain so. A preaching of the Christian faith obsessed with the devil would be completely unbalanced. Indeed, the doctrine on Satan must be subordinated to and integrated with the most fundamental truths of the faith: the mystery of God and of his loving plans brought about by the victory of Christ, which frees believers from the powers of evil. Therefore, Satan’s place in the Christian faith is precisely under the feet of the risen Christ.

End quote, and mic drop. Now, obviously I would not be talking about the politics of hell today if I didn’t think there were something valuable for us to learn from it. But the point is that our interest needs to be mortified, limited to what we can know from the science of metaphysics and from sacra doctrina, and exclusively ordered to our Christian beatitude and the glory of God.

Allora, to understand the demons’ politics, which is part of what they do, first we need to know something about the demons’ nature and condition, which is part of what they are. Agere sequitur esse, right?: “Action follows being,” second act follows on first act. We’ll take two different paths to try to get there: from above, and from the side—that is, by considering what these spiritual substances are in general, and by contrasting the demons with their angelic counterparts. Let’s take the first one first, because it is always better to treat common things before particular ones, or else you end up just having to repeat yourself. (That, by the way—short side rant here—is why in the Summa St. Thomas considers the divine essence before he considers the processions of the divine persons, De Deo Uno before De Deo Trino. It was fashionable in the twentieth century to complain that St. Thomas was thereby subordinating the Most Holy Trinity to merely philosophical questions about God’s simplicity and goodness and perfection and infinity and so forth, but the truth is that St. Thomas was just better at methodology than his critics. If he had started with the persons, then in treating the Father he’d have had to talk about the Father’s simplicity and goodness etc., and then have more articles later about the Son’s simplicity and goodness etc., and then again for the Holy Spirit. It should have been obvious that he is beginning not with some deist rationalist God of the philosophers, but rather with what the three divine persons—Father, Son, and Holy Spirit—have in common.)

So then, when it comes to the angels and demons, to “angels” considered indifferently, what do they have in common? We get a first clue from St. Thomas’ preferred name for them: not “angels,” which he usually reserves just for the lowest of the choirs, but rather—a term and an idea that originates in Aristotle—“separated substances.” Separated, one might rightly wonder, from what? And the answer, in a word, is: matter. The angels are substances—analogically but truly—beings which exist in themselves and not in another. But unlike any of the substances we experience here below, they have no matter whatsoever, but are pure form. St. Bonaventure would object to this, and indeed he tried to find some kind of non-bodily “spiritual matter” for the angels to have to distinguish them from the totally immaterial God, but St. Thomas will have none of it, since this spiritual matter of Bonaventure’s in principle cannot play the metaphysical role he would need it to play. We can’t enter into the details of that De Ente et Essentia argument (it’s in number 70, if you would like to check it yourself). But in the Thomistic picture—the correct picture—that I am sketching for you today, the angels are going to be totally immaterial. They are still infinitely inferior to God, because their angelic simplicity does not reach to the distinction of being and essence. But in terms of essence itself, the angels really are immaterial and simple.

They are forms, and so minds, and so, by Boethius’ famous definition, persons. Each one is “an individual substance of a rational nature”—or, better, an individual substance which also just is a rational nature—or an intellectual nature, to be more precise. For each of the angels is a species and indeed a genus unto himself, since matter is precisely what multiplies individual instances of a particular species, and the matter-form distinction is the basis of the genus-difference distinction. Lacking matter, every angel is individual and species and genus unto himself, and in the angel there is no real difference between these. It would be as though “James” and “rational” and “animal” were all identical and coextensive—in reality if not in concept—which is wild to try to wrap your mind around. Therefore, the words “angel” and “seraphim” and “separated substance” and incredibly even “substance” itself, when applied to them, do not correspond to essential kinds of things, a common sort of nature shared among many of them. Instead, these names are just convenient designators for us as we try to talk about all of these spirits who are simpler and higher than we are in the great chain of being. Our human knowledge is proportioned to sensible stuff, and so when we think or speak about angels we are already out of our depth, and we cannot see or say precisely what each of them is. So we speak in generalizations, even while knowing that there is nothing general in any of their natures, but only in the order of our minds. This was perhaps the greatest improvement Aristotle made over Plato: the insight that knowledge is in the mode of the knower, which does not necessarily correspond to the mode of the thing known. We men understand and speak of angels as though they were composed of genus and species, but that tells you something about how we think, not about how they are. For each of them is absolutely unique, and completely exhausts what he is, in a way that no individual man or dog or oak could totally actualize all the potencies of its species. In terms of his nature, therefore, every angel is simple and even relatively infinite and, in the proper sense, perfect.

As for the relations between these perfect substances, since each is a species unto himself, no two are alike, and—see Metaphysics Book Eight—therefore no two are equal. Each one is either higher or lower than any other one, such that they all come together to form a great linear hierarchy, a single-file line from the highest seraph down to the lowest guardian angel, with an innumerable multitude in between. On the subject of that multitude: One of the rare times that St. Thomas Aquinas criticizes Aristotle is over the number of these separated substances. Aristotle had been far too stingy in estimating that number, admitting only as many angels as there were distinct and irreducible kinds of motion, each one, he thought, initiated by a different separate substance. In the De Substantiis Separatis, St. Thomas prefers Plato’s much more generous reckoning of the number of angels, going so far as to describe Plato as representing the via sufficientior, in contradistinction to Aristotle’s via manifestior. Aristotle may proceed along “the more manifest way,” taking us by the hand and leading us step by step from things that are better known to us to their lesser-known implications. But Plato offers “the more sufficient way,” harder to see along but arriving at a more sweeping view of the truth of things—in this case, the enormity of the heavenly host. St. Thomas quotes the prophet Daniel for a scriptural warrant here, who says of the Ancient of Days, “Thousands of thousands ministered to him, and ten thousand times a hundred thousand stood before him.” St. Thomas reasons that, in creating, God intends chiefly the perfection of the universe, and so, the more perfect something is, the more of it we ought to expect to find in the created universe. But spirits are more perfect than bodies, so there will be even more angels in creation than there are corporeal substances—maybe vastly more. We might also think of the “myriads of angels” from Hebrews—or of the Church Fathers’ taking the one lost sheep to be mankind, in comparison with the ninety-nine angels. In fact, properly speaking “number” cannot apply to angels anyway, since number follows upon dimensive quantity which presupposes matter. And so the separated substances are strictly numberless. As Thomas quotes Denys as saying of the angels: “Many are the blessed armies of the supernal minds, exceeding the weak and constricted measure of our material numbers.”

What, then, does this numberless hierarchy do—or, we should ask instead: What is it supposed to do? Here we turn from our consideration of separated substances in general to a quick consideration of the good angels in particular, because we want to understand the demons and our weak intellects tend to appreciate things more by contrast with their opposites, but also because evil can only be understood indirectly anyway, in relation to the good. The good angels live peacefully in their hierarchy, etymologically their “sacred principate,” where St. Thomas defines “principate” as “one multitude ordered in one way under the government of a prince.” In this case, of course, the prince of the hierarchy is God himself. Now the angels have three functions in their hierarchy, for the sake of those below them in line: to purge or cleanse, to illumine or enlighten, and to perfect or unite to God. St. Thomas receives this threefold procedure from St. Denys the Areopagite—the “Pseudo-Dionysius,” if you like, and I do not—from his great treatise on the angels The Celestial Hierarchy. (Fun fact: The word “hierarchy” seems to have been invented by St. Denys himself in this very work.) You might recognize this triad from more modern spirituality literature, which tries to divvy up people’s Christian progress into the purgative way, the illuminative way, and the unitive way. I’ll be honest with you: I usually find such attempts unhelpful, too narcissistic and too experientialist, trying to make a science of something that just isn’t scientific, wanting to discern—or impose—a set of universalizable phenomena upon the spiritual life, which doesn’t work, and isn’t the point. But I flag it here just to note that the origin of the purgative, illuminative, and unitive is precisely the angelic hierarchy—and then the ecclesiastical sacraments that are our human participation in it. The good angels are constantly communicating God’s goodness to those further down the hierarchy, drawing them further up and further into the happiness of God, by purifying, enlightening, and perfecting those entrusted to their care.

What form this action takes depends upon where exactly the angel falls in rank. St. Denys had turned to scripture to learn about the various classes of angels within their overall ordering—to Isaiah, Ezekiel, Colossians, Ephesians, Jude—and so it is to St. Denys that we owe the traditional nine choirs of angels: three hierarchies, each with three orders within them: seraphim, cherubim, thrones; then dominions, virtues, powers; and finally principalities, archangels, and angels. (You might remember the scene from Canto 28 of Dante’s Paradiso, where Beatrice recalls that St. Gregory the Great had arrived into heaven, beheld the angelic orders, and been forced to admit that Denys was right and he was wrong, since he—Gregory—had switched the virtues and the principalities. “Di sé medesmo rise,” Beatrice says: “He smiled at his mistake.” But St. Thomas is nicer than Dante, and he gives St. Gregory the Great a way to save face by saying that both accounts are reasonable and that they might even amount to different words for the same teaching.) We will leave aside the details of the incredibly intricate bureaucracy of this ninefold order, which Fr. Bonino joked would be the envy even of the Italian administrative state. In fact St. Thomas says that, if we knew the angels perfectly, we would know it to be even more intricate, because rather than nine generalized choirs, in which the higher ones tend to look up to God and the lower ones tend to look down for creation, we would see that every single angel has his own particular role to play in the hierarchy. Nonetheless, do notice that the word “choir” is especially appropriate here, since the noblest work of all the angels—even more important than their purifying, illuminating, perfecting—is the laus perennis, the praise of God. The action of the good angels is first and foremost a liturgical action—as ours is meant to be too. And indeed, it is for the sake of God’s glory that the higher angels assist those subject to them in the hierarchy, inviting them to worship God and enabling them to do so as beautifully as possible.

We turn, at last, to the demons themselves. I will not say too much here about the fall of the demons, which—in better ages that could sustain serious speculative theology—was always the subject of controversy. For those who are interested in additional reading, I think St. Thomas’ best treatment of the demons’ fall, which corrects certain problems in his earlier attempt from the Prima Pars of the Summa, comes in Question 16, Article 4 of the De Malo, his Disputed Questions on Evil. Suffice it to say that Thomas presents all the separated substances as having been created in grace, with a first moment of natural knowledge and love for God, and after this another moment in which the angels charitably accepted, and the demons pridefully rejected, the call to a supernatural knowledge and love of God. Fr. Bonino explains the devil’s motivation thus:

Satan, in his pride, considered the conditions [of this supernatural invitation] humiliating. He regarded them as evil and therefore preferred to stick to the enjoyment of his own natural perfection insofar as, first, it belongs to him by right of nature as if he were its master, and, second, it distinguishes him from others. He preferred to remain first in the lower order instead of becoming one among others in the higher order. He has experienced the drama of the little boy who has to leave elementary school, where he is the senior, the “boss,” to move on to sixth grade where he would become the smallest among the big boys.

And so Satan spurned God’s invitation to a supernatural destiny, in a kind of diabolical version of Peter Pan Syndrome, with the other rebel angels as his Lost Boys. As punishment for this narcissism—ever since that moment of perfect, eternal demerit—the demons have experienced the pain of loss: the deprivation of the beatific vision and friendship with God, which is the only true happiness. Additionally, as further consequences of that most capital punishment, the demons’ intellects also have been darkened vis-à-vis supernatural knowledge; their wills have been made obstinate; they have suffered grief in the resistance of their wills to the way things are (Fr. Bonino says that they are “allergic to reality”); and they have been cast into hell and the earth’s dark atmosphere as places of punishment for their original—and perpetual—sin.

What is surprising, however—and what will be especially pertinent to the demons’ political arrangements—is just how much stayed the same for the demons despite their fall. Their natures, in fact, are entirely intact. I’m sure everyone here is familiar with the Thomistic adage “Grace perfects nature,” but the flipside of that is that sin does not destroy nature either—for us or for the demons. Both grace and sin are accidental modifications of a stable underlying substance. Otherwise, if grace were to replace nature rather than perfecting it, then among other absurd consequences, converting to the faith would actually be bad for me, because the me there would cease to exist and give way to some totally different person who would step in to take my place. This is not what the tradition means by “putting off the old man.” Now it’s true that grace, as a participation in the divine life of the Most Holy Trinity, is actually nobler in its essence than the human soul. Nevertheless, in its mode of being it is still just an accident, a quality—an “entitative habitus,” if you like—existing in the substance that is man. So likewise, sin is an accidental corruption, not an essential one. This is not to downplay how bad it is: All of our blessedness or wretchedness is a matter of accidents. Only God is happy just by his essence. But it is to say that sin leaves intact the underlying nature of the sinner. And so, whatever the demons possessed by nature in that first prelapsarian moment of grace, they still have today in their state of punishment. St. Thomas constantly repeats this Dionysian principle from the Celestial Hierarchy: “Certain gifts were bestowed upon the demons which, we say, have not been changed at all, but remain whole and most splendid”—“integra et splendidissima.”

The demons are morally bad, therefore, but still naturally good. The reason for this goes back to St. Augustine: Good and evil are not symmetrical. We do not inhabit a dualistic world, with equal and opposite forces of light and darkness warring against each other. On the contrary, all that is, inasmuch as it is, is good. Evil is merely a perversion, a corruption, the privation of a due good in a subject that ought to have it. And so the demons cannot be evil through and through, because evil is a parasite, and it cannot exist except in a good host. Evil is a perversion, and there cannot be a perversion that is not a perversion of something. In the case of the demons, that something is their good nature, and its good natural powers. They are putting these talents to awful ends, but the talents themselves persist. As St. Thomas says, “Although [the demons] do not have the purity that is through grace, nevertheless they have purity of nature”—“puritas naturae.” But being implies order, and therefore something of their original order remains for them as well. We arrive, at last, at the politics of hell.

The primary place where St. Thomas Aquinas discusses the political order of the demons is in the Summa Theologiae, Prima Pars, Question 109. As I hope you know already, the Prima Pars is about God—specifically, the divine essence, the distinction of divine persons, and the procession of creatures from him. Unsurprisingly, Question 109 falls in the third of those, on the procession of creatures, and more precisely within the final division of that part, on the divine governance of creatures. This question has four articles: Article 1 asks whether there are orders among the demons; Article 2, whether there is authority, or precedence, among them; Article 3, whether they illumine one another; and Article 4, whether they are subject to the authority of the good angels. Let’s take each in turn.

The first article asks of the order of hell utrum sit, “whether it is,” whether the demons have any politics at all. The casual reader of the Summa might find that he relates to the objectors more intuitively than usual with this article, since there seem to be good reasons for believing that the demons’ fall from grace would also be a fall from sociability. It is true, of course, that the will of the demons is permanently perverted, and that they are thus incapable of a genuine communion with others. It is also true that the further one descends away from God, the principle of unity, the less cohesion and the more anarchy one will find. Still, anarchy is like evil—indeed, it just is evil in the realm of political order—and so it can never exist in a pure form. Anarchy must always presume some sort of society as its subject. As Fr. Bonino says,

The idea of chaos or of absolute anarchy is as contradictory as the idea of absolute evil. As evil is a parasite on the good, so anarchy is a parasite on order. If ever anarchy were to triumph, it would immediately self-destruct, like Samson under the ruins of his own victory. In the world of the demons, therefore, there remains a certain order which, in the midst of disaster, continues to bear witness to the goodness and wisdom of God. Thus, according to St. Thomas, the demonic world retains the structure of the various angelic orders from which the rebellious angels fell.

Now, the original hierarchy of the angels according to nature was meant to be fulfilled and perfected in the hierarchy of grace—and, unlike us men whose heavenly glory will depend upon our charity over the extended course of this life, for the angels God distributed grace and thus glory simply according to the proportions of their natures, so that, for the good angels, their hierarchy now corresponds exactly to their hierarchy at creation, only without the would-be-demons in between them. The demons, of course, have definitively fallen from that order of grace. But St. Thomas teaches that the gifts of grace provide the formal element of the angelic hierarchy, and natural gifts the material element. Once again, grace perfects what nature disposes. And so the demons, the fallen angels, keep exactly the same order vis-à-vis their fellow demons that they had before the fall, because those natural dispositions, that matter for the hierarchy, has endured unchanged. Fr. Bonino compared this unfulfilled demonic ordering to the foundations of a house whose construction has been halted for lack of money. And this, by the way, makes some sense out of St. Paul’s continuing to refer to the demons by the names of the angelic choirs: “For our wrestling is not against flesh and blood, but against principalities and powers,” etc. According to St. Thomas, those are the orders to which these demons first belonged, and from which they fell.

There is some question as to whether this ladder of demonic descent still deserves the name “hierarchy.” After all, as we have seen already, “hierarchy” means precisely a holy principate. But the demons are not holy, and neither, especially, is their satanic prince. Nevertheless, St. Thomas is still willing to extend the term “hierarchy” to them, not because the demons’ own wills are holy, abused as these wills are for the sake of evil, but rather because the one who has ordered the demons from their creation is holy: God himself. Moreover, even after their fall, God uses these demonic orders for his own holy ends: to prove the saints and increase their merits, and to exact his divine justice upon the wicked. Even the demons are accounted for in St. Paul’s saying that all things work together for the good of those who love God. And so the demons—despite themselves and their own wicked intentions—somehow still inhabit a hierarchy. There is a twofold ordering of the Inferno: under Satan internally, and under God according to their integration into the general order of divine providence—and this latter satisfies for the definition of “hierarchy.”

Thus everything is still in place, in the demons’ social arrangements, and yet nothing is quite the same. Fr. Bonino suggests two analogies for this phenomenon which are more familiar to our experience:

In a corpse, all order, all structure does not disappear immediately [after death]. Although the soul, the principle of unity for the macrostructure, is absent, nevertheless the microstructures retain their nature, their respective properties as well as their interactions. However, the processes carried out by the microstructures are no longer in the service of the life of the organic whole. Or—to take a less macabre comparison—the collapse of the central political power at the end of the Carolingian Empire did not bring about the disappearance of all social life, but only caused its parceling out and feudalization, with many small local powers. The same happens with the society of the demons. When these angels freely reject their supernatural purpose, still their natural structures, which derive from the ontological relations between the pure spirits, do not disappear. They remain, however, mutilated and perverted.

Even bad men are political animals, and even bad angels are—granted, not animals, but—still political. Their society has an internal coherence and thus a form of unity, meaning that it is undivided in itself and divided from all others. And lest anyone should worry that this is all just Neoplatonists imposing their neurotic cosmic ordering on everything they can imagine, remember that our Lord himself referred to the City of Evil as a “kingdom”—a “βασιλεία,” in the Greek—a “regnum,” in the original language of sacred scripture.

Article 2 of Question 109 concerns the king of this kingdom: the devil, or Satan. Just as the demons’ nature guarantees them some preservation of hierarchy, so it also guarantees them some preservation of headship. The reason, once again, is that agere sequitur esse: “Action follows being”—and since the demons exist in an order, they will act in an order. Satan was the highest of the angels who fell. Whether he was the highest of the angels simply speaking has always been up for debate, with St. Thomas saying probably, but with some Franciscan theologians especially preferring to have Satan as merely the highest of the cherubim so that they might exempt all the fiery loving seraphim from sin—but at the very least we can say that Satan was the loftiest relative to the rest who sinned with him. He sits at the head of their hierarchy, and so he will act at the head of their hierarchy.

He is even, in some way, the cause of the rest of their sin—not by compulsion, which would make their choice involuntary and thus not a choice at all, but by suggestion or exhortation. Recall St. John’s imagery of the dragon sweeping away a third of the stars with its tail—and thus one third as the traditional number of angels who fell: less than half, since sin is against their natural inclination and nature prevails most of the time—but still no meager sum, especially given what we have said already about the innumerable multitudes of separated substances. And all these hordes of demons look to Satan, their model and inspiration, as their master. As St. Peter says in his second epistle, “By whom one has been overcome, of him he is also a slave.” There is a kind of perverse Fourth Way principle here, with the devil as first in the genus of rebel angels, and so, by his example, the cause of the rest of the genus.

St. Augustine and St. Thomas go so far as to speak of the devil’s prelacy as a sick imitation of Christ’s own. Of course with Satan there is no effective ontological link to his demons (or to the damned among men)—he is not the cause of their being, nor does he share his life with them, the way Christ shares his very Sonship by grace. Satan’s is only a moral causality, an evil exemplarity. Still, there is a sort of asymmetrical parallelism between Christ and his Church, on the one hand, and Satan and the City of Evil, on the other. Jesus even refers to “the devil and his angels,” paralleling our Lord’s own good angels. The tradition calls this the corpus diaboli, in explicit comparison and contradistinction to the Mystical Body of Christ. We might think, for example, of the great tympanum of the Premonstratensian church of Conques—the carving of the Last Judgment above the portal of that perfect eleventh-century Romanesque Church, just a few hours’ drive from here in Occitania along the Camino de Santiago (or Chemin de Saint-Jacques), which probably showed up in your high school art history book. In the center of the scene is Christ as Judge, ruling over heaven and earth, but in the lower-right corner is Satan, towering over the underworld in a way that recalls—but pathetically—the majesty of Christ in heaven. Satan is crowned and seated on a throne, directing spirits and souls with his arms—but unlike Christ, with his heavenly halo and mandorla, gesturing in both directions so as to sift according to justice, Satan points only downward into his own fiery kingdom. Christ is robed in glory and attended by angel acolytes; Satan is naked and encircled by snakes. He is not a copy of Christ, but a caricature. All evil can do is ape the good.

Two important objections arise concerning Satan’s authority. First, if Satan is the greatest sinner among them, falling from the highest height and taking the rest down with him, then why is he rewarded by providence with getting to be their king? To this St. Thomas answers that being a leader in evil is “not unto the good of the [leader], but rather unto [his] evil, because since to do evil especially pertains to misery, to excel in evil is to be [even] more miserable.” And so, even if he cannot see it this way, Satan’s rule is really a punishment, greatly contributing to his unhappiness, now and especially at the end of the world.

The second objection is this: Why would any demon choose Satan as his leader rather than God? After all, since the demons’ principal characteristic is their pride, would they not prefer to be subject to one who is infinitely greater, since it seems that much more insulting to pride to have to serve one who is so inferior? As Fr. Bonino puts it, “It is far more humiliating for the proud to submit to a subordinate superior than to the supreme superior. It is more mortifying for the young parochial vicar to obey the petty commands of a dull pastor than to carry out orders received directly from the Holy Father!” St. Thomas responds as follows:

All else being equal, [it is true that] the proud would rather be subject to a superior than to an inferior. But if he should be able to obtain some excellence under an inferior, which he could not obtain from the superior, then he would rather choose to be subject to the inferior than to the superior. And therefore it was not against the pride of the demons that they chose to be subject to an inferior, consenting to his authority, willing to have him as their prince and leader precisely so that they might obtain their ultimate beatitude by [their own] natural power—especially because in the order of nature they were already subject to the supreme angel even then.

Thus, although Satan harbors the illusion that he is like God, an end for others, really the lower demons submit to him not for that reason, but only because they think that submitting to Satan will let each of them become the ultimate end for himself. They too want to be like God, totally self-sufficient. “Non serviam!” is not just the slogan of their rebellion against the old order, but it is also the animating political philosophy of their new order itself. They are not seeking together the common good of the City of Evil, but rather each one is seeking only the affirmation of his own excellence and interest. As far as the demons are concerned, theirs is merely a kingdom of convenience.

Now, you might think that such coordinated self-interest would not be a very strong basis for political unity. You would be right. There is no true concord in the infernal kingdom, for concordia means “a union of hearts,” and the anti-social principle of pride breeds only discord. As Fr. Bonino says, “Pride nurtures a constant preference for its own good to the disregard of the common good.” One thing that does help to unite the demons, however, is their common enemy. They forge a “social contract,” as it were, in order to wage war more effectively against God and man. Thus St. Thomas writes in the reply to an objection:

The concord of the demons, whereby some obey others, is not from any friendship that they have among themselves; but from their common wickedness, by which they hate men, and fight against the justice of God. For it is proper [also] to wicked men that they should join themselves to one another and be subject to those whom they perceive to be stronger, for carrying out each his own individual wickedness.

Among the demons, therefore, there is no mutual affection. There is no internal and moral concord based on civic friendship, but only an external and instrumental alliance. Again Fr. Bonino: “As we know, external politics is an excellent diversion when there are serious domestic political problems. Sacred union against the external enemy is a remedy against internal political divisions. Thus hatred against God and men brings the demons together, and leads them to moderate their hatred of each other.” Of course this is no true political common good, but only a collectively self-interested compact of the sort one might find among a band of thieves. Satan is not so much a monarch as a mob boss.

All of this is the story the demons tell themselves about why they tolerate Satan and one another. They believe that such political bonds are optional but ultimately advantageous. Each one thinks that this social contract will eventually help him to get what he wants for himself—namely to become his own principle of happiness, and to offend God by causing the damnation of men. As Fr. Bonino puts it, “The unity of the society of demons is founded, from the point of view of subjective intentions, on a convergence of misunderstood interests: a caricature of the common good.” But in fact there is a deeper, truer reason why the demons are united in a society: divine wisdom. St. Thomas quotes the book of Wisdom, which tells how this wisdom “reaches from end to end mightily, and disposes all things sweetly.” Such wisdom, Thomas says, “leaves nothing in the universe inordinate,” or without order. As Fr. Bonino writes, “This type of society is viable not so much in virtue of a very unstable balance of interests as in virtue of the permanence within it of a fundamentally good nature, which, although it may be thwarted or even denied, is nonetheless present and a source of what can be positive in the permanence of this society.” Thus the kingdom of hell is ultimately founded not upon the injustice of the demons, but upon the justice of God, ordering all things by nature and his providential care.

The third article of our Question 109 asks whether the demons can illumine each other. To understand the difficulty, remember the threefold act of the angelic hierarchy: purging, illumining, perfecting. Now, obviously the demons are not purging or perfecting their inferiors, purifying them or uniting them to God. But it is less clear with regard to the illuminative way, because the demons really can communicate with one another. They can and do share truths among themselves. However, the answer must be that such communication is not true illumination, for, explains St. Thomas, “Illumination properly is the manifestation of truth according as it is ordered to God, who illumines every intellect.” But the demons’ speech to one another is meant to lead rather away from God, and thus it ends in greater darkness, not illumination. Theirs is not a communion of minds in the truth they behold, unto its source in the First Truth. They are not contemplating and handing on the things contemplated. Instead they have only a practical aim: to transmit useful information to coordinate their actions more effectively, so that they might exclude men from the illumined divinization from which they have already definitively excluded themselves. “The intention from which this communication arises is always perverse,” Fr. Bonino says: “It is consummated by the evil designs of the devil who is always trying to divert others from God, whereas illumination is a communication of truth that comes from God and whose purpose is to lead to God.” Demonic speech, therefore, is not illuminative. It is not even speculative. It is a mere calculation of efficiency: “the primacy of the practical” taken to its most evil extreme.

Article 4, the last of our question, is about the relation between angels and demons. Granted the demons have a hierarchy of their own, how does it stand in regard to the graced angelic hierarchy of the celestial choirs? This is a consoling consideration: All authority comes from God, and so the closer anyone is to God, the more influence that one will have over others. As such, the good angels rule over the bad, because they are nearer to God, participating more fully in his royal majesty. This is just how the cosmic hierarchy plays itself out.

The angels’ authority over the demons is real even now, but it will become especially manifest on the last day, when St. Michael and the glorious armies of heaven march in full force, when the City of Evil is unequivocally defeated, and Satan and his subjects are banished to hell for eternity. We are living now in the last days, as indeed Christians have been ever since the Word was made flesh and dwelt among us—and the demons are not stupid. Deep down they suspect that their days are numbered, that the war will come to an end, and not in their favor—and the dread and anger of this realization makes them to act out with ever greater ferocity. “Woe to you, O earth and sea,” we read in Revelation: “because the devil is come down unto you, having great wrath, knowing that he hath but a short time”—after which he “shall be tormented day and night for ever and ever.” We are witnessing the death throes of the corpus diaboli upon the earth.

This final article, about the angels’ power over the demons, makes sense out of why this question on the society of hell is included in the section of the Prima Pars on divine governance, which might have stuck you as unusual when I first mentioned it. Not even the demons, in their rival city, escape the government of God. “If I descend into hell, thou art present,” chants the Psalmist. Of course the demons do not formally participate in the good of the whole creation, since their entire wills are fixed against it, but materially they cannot escape. All that they do, in their coordinated rebellion, is still ultimately directed by God through his angels. Thus any evil that the angels permit—whether from demons or from men—is always for the sake of some good that follows it. In St. Thomas’ phrase, the angels are “ministers of divine wisdom.” Moreover—and this should be especially comforting, and a nice place to conclude our consideration of the politics of hell—even the very lowest of the guardian angels, even yours or mine, can rule over Satan himself, because “the power of divine justice to which the good angels cleave is stronger than the natural power of the [demons].” Thank God.

I would like for us to return to our thought experiment from the very beginning, now—I hope—with a greater understanding of its implications. I had asked you to imagine a society—a society made up of self-absorbed, atomized individuals—a society in which the various members tolerate each other, because they know they need each other, but only so that each of them can achieve his own private ambitions and desires—a society, moreover, that is in open rebellion against its own origins. Then I asked you to imagine that, once upon a time, this society had been noble, and civil, and good—but that its citizens—especially its elite citizens—out of a disordered sense of pride, effected a revolution against that received ancient order. Next I had you imagine that this revolution had some ironic consequences, such as that, in the name of liberating themselves from being subject to any official king, these citizens wound up creating for themselves an even more oppressive and authoritarian regime—and that their honorable hierarchy, which in their pettiness they would have liked to dissolve altogether, was merely replaced by a dishonorable hierarchy—that they traded an ordered harmony for hostile power relations, and a common good for private vices. You further imagined that this populace—who, again, hate their own heritage and devote all their time and energy to contradicting it, loudly—is in fact deeply unsatisfied, frustrated, lonely, sad. And yet you imagined that, despite their unhappiness in this society, they also live in constant, ever-growing fear—fear that this society of theirs, and everything it stands for, is on the verge of defeat. You imagined, finally, that this hysterical anxiety of theirs makes them even more odious and offensive and obnoxious.

I used to think that St. Thomas Aquinas had never addressed liberalism in his political writings, living, as he did, several centuries before the Enlightenment. I was wrong. He treats it carefully and critically in the text we have just considered: Prima Pars Question 109, on the political arrangement of the demons. It is terrifying how similar St. Thomas’ account of the politics of hell is to Immanuel Kant’s account of the ideal government. Kant even refers to such a state as being perfect for “a population of demons,” secured with general laws for conserving their common accord, laws that pit particular sentiments against each other, so that they might procedurally neutralize the proud egoistic dispositions of each individual. “Kant is here at antipodes with the political thought of St. Thomas Aquinas,” remarks Fr. Bonino. As I expect everyone here will know well, St. Thomas teaches that society arises from the natural sociability of man expressed in civic friendship and ordered to his temporal common good, itself ordered to his spiritual common good attained in and through the Roman Church. It is the Catholic alternative to Kant’s Lutheran individualist state of nature, in—another Protestant’s catchphrase—a war of all against all.

It is the angelic alternative to Kant’s republican rule for a race of demons. For in St. Thomas’ Dionysian worldview, the angelic hierarchy is to serve as the archetype of our human societies, both political and ecclesiastical. James Madison was wrong, therefore, that “If men were angels, no government would be necessary.” As we have seen, the angels have an elaborate government, and theirs is meant to be the model for ours. But alas, too often of late, our states have taken the demons for their political inspiration instead, with our citizens driven only by a narcissistic search for their private interest, rejecting all reference to a common good of the moral order, beginning with the transcendent common good which is God himself. Granted, there are dissimilarities here as well: Unlike the angels, our societies are not founded upon essential inequalities, since all men share a single species; and unlike the demons, no human society is definitively fixed in its rejection of God. Nonetheless, the similarities are pronounced, and they are not accidental. Liberalism has traded a hierarchy unto God for an every-man-for-himself tyranny.

We will conclude with one final quotation from Fr. Serge-Thomas Bonino:

The demonic society offers us an interesting theoretical model, for thinking about the not-always-theoretical possibility of a society that either rejects or disregards any reference to the objective moral good, and merely ensures a more or less peaceful coexistence among individuals who are deemed evil and guided solely by the pursuit of self-interest. Reflection on the demonic city confirms our contemporary experience: Such a society is feasible! It survives by virtue of a certain “a-moral,” unjust, and precarious balance that is established between the subjective interests of each of the individuals involved. However, this society survives above all and most profoundly because the natural tendencies that lead each being toward the objective good of its own nature remain active in it, though disavowed and opposed on the reflective level.

In other words—what is old hat for us by now—liberalism survives by exploiting pre-liberal resources, the resources of the very metaphysical order and natural law that it speculatively denies.

By grace, St. Thomas teaches, we are to be taken up into the orders of the angels, perhaps filling out the places in the celestial hierarchy vacated through the fall. And so our politics should be practicing for that ascent, and indeed helping to accomplish it, by ordering us together toward our true good. Whereas liberalism prepares our souls to be slotted into the demonic order of hell, of which it is an alarmingly accurate imitation. May our better angels prevail.

Regina Angelorum, ora pro nobis.

Omnes angeli Dei, orate pro nobis.

Rights and the Common Good

1. Beginning with the obvious[1]

Some things are difficult to understand because they are very abstract, separated from the concrete and sensible realities surrounding us—this is a difficulty that we experience, for example, in the consideration of the most universal predicates. Other things are difficult to understand because they are so exalted, existing on a higher level of perfection than us—this is the difficulty we find, for example in understanding the hierarchy of the angels. Yet other matters are difficult to understand because they are so complicated, involving so many parts and elements and influences that it is difficult to keep them all in our minds at once—for example, the politics of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Continue reading “Rights and the Common Good”

Félix Sardá y Salvany on the Word “Integralists”

Editor’s Introduction

The Catalan priest Félix Sardá y Salvany (1841-1916) is most famous for his book Liberalism is a Sin. One of the first mentions of the word “integralism” [or “integrism”] by the Holy See was in response to El proceso del integrismo, an attack on Don Sardá’s book by Canon Celestino de Pazos.[1] Both books had been sent to the Sacred Congregation for the Index, which responded in 1887 that Pazos’s book should be withdrawn from circulation, and praised Fr. Sardá’s book as its “exposition and defense of the sound doctrine therein set forth with solidity, order, and lucidity.”[2] Liberalism is a Sin, become the vade-mecum of the first political movement to be given the name “integralist,” namely the movement founded by the Carlist writer Ramón Nocedal Romea (1842-1907), when he broke with the mainstream of Carlism, because the Carlist claimant to the throne was making what he considered untenable compromises with liberalism.[3] What exactly was meant by calling this movement integralist? In the Manifesto of Burgos, written by Nocedal and signed by a number of Spanish traditionalist newspapers in 1888, which is seen as the beginning of the Integralist party in Spain, reference is made again and again to the “integrity” of the adherence of the signatories to Catholic doctrine and tradition, to “la integridad y pureza de las doctrinas,”and “la integridad de nuestra doctrina y nuestra intransigencia con los errores modernos,”and so on.[4] This is why they were known as integralists: because of their integral adherence to Catholic doctrine, and their intransigent rejection of modern errors. One of the Catholic teachings to which they were particularly insistent in their adherence (since it was under particular attack at the time) was the teaching on the relation of spiritual and temporal power. The Manifesto of Burgos uses the traditional analogy of body and soul to explain the teaching:

As the body to the soul, so must the state be united and subordinated to the Church, the lesser luminary to the greater, the temporal sword to the spiritual sword, according to the terms and conditions that the Church of God lays down, and are established in our traditional laws.[5]

In 1889 El Siglo Futuro, the newspaper edited by Nocedal, printed a talk by Don Sardá entitled “¿Integristas?”.[6]Sardá explains that the name integralists is one that was being given to their movement by its enemies, but he argues that they ought to embrace the name. We are pleased to offer a translation of Don Sardá’s talk below.


Integralists?

A Conference read at the Catholic Academy (before Catholic Youth), of Sabadell by Don Felix Sardá y Salvany, Priest, Counselor of the same and Director of the Revista Popular.

Translated by HHG

The Parrot answered pertly,
As with argument conclusive,—
"You are nothing but a Purist,
Of taste foolishly exclusive."—?
"Thanks for the compliment," quoth Magpie, curtly.
(Iriarte, The Two Parrots and the Magpie)

Integralists? Yes, my dear gentlemen, and I accept the name as an honor. It is about this that I have wished to speak to you here at our beloved Academy—after not being able to speak here for a long time—and have thought it fitting to choose as theme for my familiar Conference the present epithet or sobriquet with which it seems our enemies seek to defame us. Under this name I wish to see you present yourself with saintly loftiness and Christian pride. I assure you that, by the grace of God, this is how I am; I am proud of my faith, of my baptism, of my Catholic education and of my Catholic priesthood and of everything it constitutes. Thanks be to Heaven, regarding my mode of being in the supernatural and Christian order.

Continue reading “Félix Sardá y Salvany on the Word “Integralists””

The Josias Podcast, Special Episode: Lecture on Rights

Do rights exist, or are they moral fictions? What is the significance of the distinction between objective and subjective rights? In this lecture, Pater Edmund Waldstein, O.Cist. Gives an account of rights and their relation to the common good.

Bibliography and Links

Hispanus, Petrus. “Notes on Right and Law.” The Josias (2017).

Legge, Dominic O.P. “Do Thomists Have Rights?” Nova et Vetera, English Edition, 17.1 (2019): pp. 127–147.

MacIntyre, Alasdair. After Virtue: A Study in Moral Theory, 3rd ed. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2007.

Pappin, Gladden J. “Rights, Moral Theology and Politics in Jean Gerson.” History of Political Thought 36.2 (2015), pp. 234-261.

Pinkoski, Nathan J. “Alasdair MacIntyre and Leo Strauss on the Activity of Philosophy.” The Review of Politics 82 (2020), pp. 97-122.

Rosenblatt, Helena. The Lost History of Liberalism: From Ancient Rome to the Twenty-First Century. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2018.

Strauss, Leo. Natural Right and History. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1953.

Tierney, Brian. The Idea of Natural Rights: Studies on Natural Rights, Natural Law, and Church Law 1150-1625. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1997.

Header Image: Giovanni di Paolo, The Creation of the World and the Expulsion from Paradise (1445).

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Integralism as Mystical Theology

Certain critics of Catholic integralism have commonly brought forward the charge that integralists have forsaken mysticism for power, adopting a one-sided predilection for coercion, at the expense of the real essence of the Catholic religion, which is self-emptying love. This is a critique that has been leveled by Michael Hanby,[1] David C. Schindler,[2] and others. According to this critique, integralism forgets the supreme model of Christ’s sacrifice on the cross, in which he renounced earthly power for the sake of love. Christ’s sacrifice stands as a model of Christian life, an example of the power of self-giving love over the wielding of worldly power. Integralism, it is argued, neglects this dimension of Christ’s act by adopting worldly forms of power.

In this article, I will respond to such critiques by arguing that it is precisely the mystical dimension of the Catholic faith that legitimizes the use of temporal power in the service of authority, of coercion in the service of truth. For this purpose, it is necessary to dive deeper into the links between politics and mysticism, which can only be discerned from within the bosom of the Church. The Church is the guardian of a profound mystery, a gnosis unattainable to the human intellect on the basis of its natural reason alone. Indeed, even the rational apparatus of sacred theology falls short of the mystery which the Church guards. From this fundamentally apophatic dimension of the Church’s mission, a whole vista of political theology unfolds, and politics is transformed from a worldly game of power into the very means by which souls are purified and prepared for the loving union with God that transcends reason. Integralism has a purpose that is essentially mystical.

I. Apophaticism and the Truth Beyond Reason

The Church’s task in the world is profoundly apophatic: to dictate what may not be said of God, that is, to guard the secret that is God, lest the world, in saying too much, make a mockery of Him through irreverence. By guarding against such irreverence the Church is not protecting God (who is impassible and in need of nothing); rather it is human beings who are protected against the destruction of their own dignity as images of God. Reverence before the infinite mystery is what makes human beings fully human, whereas irreverence destroys their humanity. The highest reverence, indeed, is to know that one does not know God. Thus, Dionysius the Areopagite closes his treatise De Coelesti Hierarchia commenting that “the hiddenness, beyond our capacity, we have honoured by silence.”[4] The same Dionysius’ famous treatises De Mystica Theologia and De Divinis Nominibus speak of the profound darkness of mystical knowledge, the dense but luminous obscurity into which the soul is necessarily plunged when it seeks to know the things of God. The divine darkness is impenetrable, because God is beyond all being, infinitely transcending all things while also containing them.

Consequently, in a “programmatic” passage at the opening of De Mystica Theologia, Dionysius exhorts his student, Timothy, to leave behind his natural faculties, including his rational intelligence, in order to make way for the super-luminous darkness of Him who is beyond all knowledge:

[B]ut thou, O dear Timothy, by thy persistent commerce with the mystic visions, leave behind both sensible perceptions and intellectual efforts, and all objects of sense and intelligence, and all things not being and being, and be raised aloft unknowingly to the union, as far as attainable, with Him Who is above every essence and knowledge. For by the resistless and absolute ecstasy in all purity, from thyself and all, thou wilt be carried on high, to the superessential ray of the Divine darkness, when thou hast cast away all, and become free from all.[5]

Following Dionysius, St. Thomas Aquinas teaches that God can ultimately be known only by being unknown: “Because we cannot know of God what he is, but only what he is not, therefore we cannot consider of God how he is, but only how he is not.”[6] Indeed, Aquinas’ theology is permeated with a Dionysian apophaticism, grounded in the recognition that the natural capacity of the human intellect, tethered to sensation, is only adequate to know sensible creatures, in whom God is represented only ever partially and imperfectly.

Our natural knowledge begins from sense. Hence our natural knowledge can go as far as it can be led by sensible things. But our mind cannot be led by sense so far as to see the essence of God; because the sensible effects of God do not equal the power of God as their cause. Hence from the knowledge of sensible things the whole power of God cannot be known; nor therefore can His essence be seen. But because they are His effects and depend on their cause, we can be led from them so far as to know of God “whether He exists,” and to know of Him what must necessarily belong to Him, as the first cause of all things, exceeding all things caused by Him. Hence we know [of] His relationship with creatures so far as to be the cause of them all; also that creatures differ from Him, inasmuch as He is not in any way part of what is caused by Him; and that creatures are not removed from Him by reason of any defect on His part, but because He super-exceeds them all.[7]

This is one of many passages where Aquinas, following the Areopagite, distinguishes three degrees of knowing God: 1) by way of causality; 2) by way of remotion or negation; and 3) by way of transcendence or eminence. This third way is like a synthesis arising out of the dialectic of the two prior ways, which are positive and negative respectively. The human intellect begins its journey to God through a rational process of discovery, by which it knows God positively or affirmatively as the cause of all things. But it then proceeds to deny of God that which it first discovered, on account of the infinite distance that remains between God and His creatures. Consequently, having undergone this dialectical dance of affirmation and negation, the intellect rests in the knowledge that God infinitely transcends all creatures.

The dialectic of affirmation and negation is a direct consequence of the metaphysical and epistemological condition of human nature, immersed in the diversity of sensible beings. The created world can only represent the unity of God in a particulated, multiplicitous way. It is only because of this that God, who is One, is named by a diversity of names. “[T]he perfections of all things, which belong to the rest of things through diverse forms, must be attributed to God through one and the same power in Him. . . From this we see the necessity of giving to God many names.”[8] Accordingly, each representation simultaneously reveals and conceals God, and thus it must be both affirmed and denied: “As a result, with reference to the mode of signification there is in every name that we use an imperfection, which does not befit God, even though the thing signified in some eminent way does befit God. . . Such names, therefore, as Dionysius teaches [De divinis nominibus I, 5, De caelesti hierarchia II, 3], can be both affirmed and denied of God. They can be affirmed because of the meaning of the name; they can be denied because of the mode of signification.”[9] The task of theology is to collect into a comprehensive unity the multitude of representations which express in a partial way the total unity of God — and then to acknowledge that this complex of representations still falls infinitely short of God.

There is a paradox in Aquinas’ account of human intellectual capacity: at the highest reaches of its capacity, the intellect discovers its incapacity. The use of reason is most at home in the first way of knowing God, where His existence and attributes are demonstrated affirmatively. But subsequently, reason begins to find the foundations of its approach to God shaken, as the way of negation draws the intellect into the awareness of its profound distance from God. It is precisely at this moment, when reason realizes its incapacity, that the intellect reaches the highpoint of its capacity for knowledge, falling silent in the face of God’s infinite transcendence. This is above all what it means to know God: to know that one does not know Him. Thus, St. Thomas writes elsewhere: “Man reaches the highest point of his knowledge about God when he knows that he knows him not, inasmuch as he knows that that which is God transcends whatsoever he conceives of him.”[10]Be still and see that I am God (Psalm 46:10).

It is important to remember that knowledge of God is itself the highest point of all human knowledge. What a remarkable claim, then, that the high point of all knowledge, the endpoint that marks the arrival of the intellect at totality, after having traversed the entire gamut of sciences — this high point consists in the recognition that one does not know. The totality of all knowledge is consummated in ignorance. Moreover, since knowledge is what is most specific to human beings, what distinguishes them from sub-rational creation, the highest activity of human beings simply speaking, what philosophers call their proper ἔργον, their function and purpose, is precisely this docta ignoratia, this learned ignorance.

Thomas insists that the silence of reason before the transcendent God is not on account of any inherent unknowability in God. On the contrary, it is precisely on account of God’s excess of knowability, His infinite intelligibility, that the finite human intellect cannot know Him — as the bat cannot see the sun, which is maximally visible on account of its brightness. Thus:

Since everything is knowable according as it is actual, God, Who is pure act without any admixture of potentiality, is in Himself supremely knowable. But what is supremely knowable in itself, may not be knowable to a particular intellect, on account of the excess of the intelligible object above the intellect; as, for example, the sun, which is supremely visible, cannot be seen by the bat by reason of its excess of light.[11]

Thus, the height of reason’s capacity is at precisely that point where it discovers its incapacity in the face of God’s infinite transcendence and infinite knowability. For the human intellect is finite and tethered to sensible things, which can represent God only partially and diversely. At the heights of its capacity, reason must therefore fall silent, for this is the only appropriate response to a mystery that is beyond all thought and language.

II. Faith and the Apophatic Mission of the Church

It is precisely in this space of reason’s silence that faith enters the scene. Falling silent before the excess knowability of God, the intellect now awaits the self-revelation of God, to which the intellect can only assent through faith. Beyond the threshold of reason’s silence, the things of God can only be known through belief. Thus, in an article on “whether faith is necessary,” from the commentary on Boethius’s De Trinitate, St. Thomas writes:

The truth of things may also not be evident because of defect on our part, as in the case of divine and necessary things which, according to their own nature, are most knowable. Wherefore, to understand them, we are not capable of immediate intellection, from the very beginning, since it is in accordance with our nature to attain from things less knowable and posterior in themselves, to knowledge of those that are themselves more knowable and prior. But since from none of those things that we know last do we have any knowledge of those that we know first, it is needful for us even at first to have some notion of those things that are most knowable in themselves; but this cannot be except by believing.[12]

For example, the truth of the Triune God can in no way be accessed by reason. It pertains so intimately to the transcendent essence of God, before which reason must helplessly stop short, that it can only be known in the intimacy of God’s self-disclosure. St. Thomas could not be clearer that the truth of the Trinity cannot be known even after the threefold progress of causality, negation, or eminence delineated above:

I answer that the truth that God is three and one is altogether a matter of faith; and in no way can it be demonstratively proved. . . Thus there are things that designate His causality and His eminence over creatures and that deny in Him any of the imperfections found in effects. The existence of a Trinity of persons, however, cannot be perceived from a consideration of divine causality, since causality is common to the whole Trinity. Nor can it be known from His lacking any imperfection. Therefore in no way can it be demonstratively proved that God is three and one.[13]

Now, this apophatic dimension of scientific theology, the silent space where reason steps aside for faith, is the proper domain of the Church’s teaching authority. The Church’s role in the world is fundamentally tied to the apophatic character of theology: to administer the Truth beyond reason to Her members, to mediate the self-revelation of God. St. Thomas confirms this when he teaches that faith requires both a formal and a material object: the material object refers to the individual articles of faith themselves, the propositions to which the intellect assents by faith. The formal object refers to the First Truth, in which all individual truths of faith participate, and which is manifested by the authority of God Himself. By extension, the First Truth is also manifested by the authority of the Church, who is God’s representative on earth:

Now the formal object of faith is the First Truth, as manifested in Holy Writ and the teaching of the Church, which proceeds from the First Truth. Consequently whoever does not adhere, as to an infallible and Divine rule, to the teaching of the Church, which proceeds from the First Truth manifested in Holy Writ, has not the habit of faith, but holds that which is of faith otherwise than by faith.[14]

In other words, the virtue of faith cannot be severed from the authority of the First Truth, which is manifested in the Church. This is the dimension of faith in which one simply encounters a Person, or three Persons, made present by the Church: the dimension of communion. But this encounter cannot be severed from the authority of the Person encountered, an authority embodied in that Person’s visible presence on earth. Thus, the rights of the visible, concrete institution of the Church flow directly from the concrete, experiential nature of this encounter with God in faith.

One practical consequence of this is the authority of the Supreme Pontiff to dictate the terms of belief, e.g. by the drawing up of creeds. Thus, in a rare moment when he speaks of ecclesiology, St. Thomas writes:

[A] new edition of the symbol becomes necessary in order to set aside the errors that may arise. Consequently to publish a new edition of the symbol belongs to that authority which is empowered to decide matters of faith finally, so that they may be held by all with unshaken faith. Now this belongs to the authority of the Sovereign Pontiff, “to whom the more important and more difficult questions that arise in the Church are referred,” as stated in the Decretals [*Dist. xvii, Can. 5]. Hence our Lord said to Peter whom he made Sovereign Pontiff (Lk. 22:32): “I have prayed for thee,” Peter, “that thy faith fail not, and thou, being once converted, confirm thy brethren.” The reason of this is that there should be but one faith of the whole Church, according to 1 Cor. 1:10: “That you all speak the same thing, and that there be no schisms among you”: and this could not be secured unless any question of faith that may arise be decided by him who presides over the whole Church, so that the whole Church may hold firmly to his decision. Consequently it belongs to the sole authority of the Sovereign Pontiff to publish a new edition of the symbol, as do all other matters which concern the whole Church, such as to convoke a general council and so forth.[15]

Aquinas thus casts the institutional Church, under the sovereign leadership of the Holy Roman Pontiff, as the supreme administrator of faith — that is, the supreme administrator of the apophatic space wherein reason breaks down in its pursuit of the totality of knowledge. It is thus possible to describe the Church as sovereign over theological language, the sole determiner of what may and may not be said of God, on account of God’s infinite transcendence. In Aquinas, as in all defenders of the authority of the Church since the apostles themselves, there is a keen attention to the practical impossibility of consensus on matters of faith — and indeed, even on matters of reason itself when it approaches the theological heights of its capacity.[16] In this way, the Church is necessary not only as supreme administrator of faith, but as administrator of the highest reaches to which even natural reason aspires. Only the institutional Church is gifted with the infallible charism necessary to navigate the complex dialectics of affirmation and negation through which alone the truth of God can be known.

It is important to note, at this juncture, that the truth about God is expressed not only in words and theoretical formulations, but also in action. This is necessarily the case insofar as all human action ultimately has God for its end — a doctrine too familiar to substantiate here with citations from the Angelic Doctor. It will suffice to recall that Thomas clearly considered human action to be in some way a matter of language, just as theological knowledge is a matter of language (e.g. the naming of God). Human action, as well as human speech, is capable of signifying something. This observation is borne out in Thomas’ treatment of the virtue of truth: “Now there is a special order whereby our externals, whether words or deeds, are duly ordered in relation to some thing, as sign to thing signified: and thereto man is perfected by the virtue of truth. Wherefore it is evident that truth is a special virtue.”[17] In this sense, a man’s very life is said to be true insofar as it is ordered to the divine law as its rule and measure: “Life like anything else is said to be true, from the fact that it attains its rule and measure, namely, the divine law; since rectitude of life depends on conformity to that law. This truth or rectitude is common to every virtue.”[18] Accordingly, it is not a stretch to say that, since the divine law is itself but the moral component of revelation, it follows that the Church is likewise sovereign over human action, possessing supreme authority to direct human action to signify God, i.e. to “speak” of Him.

The authority of the Church is thus the earthly manifestation of the Truth beyond reason, before which reason must bow in reverence, submission, and apophatic silence. No less than this sovereign authority over thought and action, over faith and morals, is claimed for the Church by Her own immortal teaching, in the dogmatic constitution Pastor Aeternus of the First Vatican Council:

Wherefore we teach and declare that, by divine ordinance, the Roman church possesses a pre-eminence of ordinary power over every other church, and that this jurisdictional power of the Roman pontiff is both episcopal and immediate. Both clergy and faithful, of whatever rite and dignity, both singly and collectively, are bound to submit to this power by the duty of hierarchical subordination and true obedience, and this not only in matters concerning faith and morals, but also in those which regard the discipline and government of the church throughout the world.

III. Integralism and Asceticism

Since the truth which the Church administers is beyond reason, it would be absurd to reduce the Church’s administrative and magisterial role to that of engaging in rational discourse with the world. This would be to reduce the Church to one among many supposedly rational actors inhabiting a neutral public space, the “marketplace of ideas,” on the supposition that through rational discourse a consensus might naturally arise. This is, of course, the ideological core of modern liberalism. But the apophaticism of the Church’s mystical mission in the world is predicated on the fact that such a consensus is quite simply impossible among fallen men. The “beyondness” of truth, especially the truth about God, means that rational discourse is not sufficient to bring about religious consensus — neither the consensus of propositional faith, nor the consensus of a common encounter (communio) with God. Not that rational discourse is unavailable to the Church — scientific theology and apologetics find their home in Her bosom — but that such a method is in itself insufficient for the Church’s mission of guarding the divine mystery. Consequently, the Church may sometimes require other methods of mediating this truth.

What non-discursive (to be distinguished from irrational) methods of administering the truth are available to the Church? There are many, but they all have one particular characteristic in common: they all involve the subordination of the temporal order to the spiritual order, the sacramentalization of the temporal order by making it into a sign and vehicle of the truth beyond reason. For example, Dionysius the Areopagite teaches of the liturgical apparatus by which this mystical truth is communicated to the faithful, by participation in the “ecclesiastical hierarchy” of the sacraments. Indeed, arguably the sacramental rites of the Church are the principal means by which Her mystical heart, Her invisible core, is made visible. The seven sacraments are the Church’s visible instruments of the mediation of grace, the apparatus by which she dispenses the means of salvation to Her members. By their participation in the sacred liturgy, initiated Christians are privileged to experience the gnosis of the Truth that is beyond reason.

St. Thomas explains the sacramental mode, i.e. the poetic form of the sacramental ritual, in terms of its relation to reason. Poetry is used to signify that which is inaccessible to reason, either by being beneath reason (the lower passions) or indeed by being beyond reason (the things of God): “Just as human reason fails to grasp poetical expressions on account of their being lacking in truth, so does it fail to grasp Divine things perfectly, on account of the sublimity of the truth they contain: and therefore in both cases there is need of signs by means of sensible figures.”[19] Thus the entire symbolic edifice of the liturgy is justified on the basis of the apophatic theology of the divine names, as a mode of communicating the truth beyond reason, through a language that is itself beyond rational discourse.

Indeed, the sacramental order encompasses and circumscribes the entire temporal dimension of the Church, not only embodying the telos of Her discipline in the Eucharist, but also defining the very boundaries of Her temporal jurisdiction by Baptism. Baptism is the condition of membership in the mystical body of Christ, which is also citizenship in the City of God. The entire juridical edifice and disciplinary regime of the Church rests on this sacramental foundation. Accordingly, the Church’s juridical order serves the same ends that are served by the sacramental order itself, since it actually participates in and is defined by that order. The same Truth beyond reason is administered by the Church’s juridical discipline as by Her sacramental discipline.

The mode by which the juridical order communicates the Truth beyond reason is, like the sacraments, itself beyond rational discourse — though once again it is not contrary to reason. Certainly, by virtue of its participation in the sacramentality of the Church, the juridical order communicates in one way by being itself a sign or symbol of divine Truth, or of the authority of divine Truth. The ministers of Church law, namely Her priests, bishops, and especially the supreme Pontiff, are constituted by the sacramental order itself. They embody in their persons the symbols and regalia of divine majesty, which they display in both their ceremonial and their legislative offices, not to mention their magisterial offices. (Incidentally, these three offices correspond to the “priest, prophet, and king” triad that is often applied to Christ Himself.)

But in addition to being itself sacramental, the legislative or juridical office of the Church also engages in another mode of non-discursive communication, namely coercion. This is a necessary component of law as it relates to fallen nature, as understood by St. Thomas and included in the Church’s own conception of Herself.[20] Coercion is justified by a logic similar to that which justifies the entire sacramental order: the truth which it teaches is in some sense beyond reason, rational discourse, and rational admonition, and thus it requires some other mode of communication.

To be clear, Aquinas holds that reason is of the essence of law: lawmaking is the paradigmatic form of moral reasoning.[21] Yet it is an act of reason that belongs first to the ruler, and only secondarily to the ruled.[22] In fact, the ruled are initially devoid of this exercise of reason: for them, the moral truth administered by law is indeed beyond reason, and thus they are taught by law through a method that is initially not discursive, namely coercion. Thus, Aquinas distinguishes two modes of teaching virtue: admonition, for those who are already predisposed to virtue; and coercion, for those who, being wicked, are not amenable to the persuasion of rational discourse: “[A]s to those young people who are inclined to acts of virtue, by their good natural disposition, or by custom, or rather by the gift of God, paternal training suffices, which is by admonitions. But since some are found to be depraved, and prone to vice, and not easily amenable to words, it was necessary for such to be restrained from evil by force and fear.”[23]

The doctrine of apophaticism is in the background of this conception of law: precisely because action is speech, and the truth about moral action is in some measure inaccessible to the rational powers of many, it is necessary to teach them by some other way. Coercion is one effective way, though not the only way. This is certainly the case with respect to truths that, although they are in themselves accessible to reason, are known only to the few, since fallen nature has so darkened the intellect that the multitude are guided more by their passions than by reason.[24] It is all the more true with respect to the theological morality, embodied in the infused theological virtues, that is the privilege of the baptized. Even the virtues of faith, hope, and charity are teachable by means of coercion, insofar as those who have been infused with these virtues become subject to the discipline of the moral life that is enforced by the Church.

The claim that even charity may be taught by coercion is doubtless provocative and counterintuitive, perhaps even the greatest stumbling block to those who cannot accept the doctrine of integralism. Is not love only teachable by love itself? Charity, that highest of the virtues which reaches its pinnacle in the mystics, seems to be attainable only by the renunciation of power and coercion, and by the full embrace of cruciform love — in imitation of Christ’s self-emptying sacrifice of the cross. Indeed, such an argument has been repeated many times by the critics of Catholic integralism. As Timothy Troutner, for example, has written, “One enters into the life of the Trinity only through conformity with the one who gave his life so that others might live.”[25]

Yet this objection misses something fundamental to the mystical life itself, and something fundamental to Christ’s very sacrifice. The aspiring mystic must be purged of all his ego-centered illusions, the false identities he constructs over and against his true nature. By participating in the self-emptying and violent death of Christ, the ego-self likewise dies, and what is left is the pure self that was loved into existence by God from the beginning. No man ever became a mystic who did not first purify his life through rigorous discipline and the practice of self-mortification, in imitation of Christ’s profound self-mortification by his death. Indeed, more often than not this purification is not his own doing: it is something that happens to him almost apart from his own will or power to achieve it. The purifying fire of asceticism is prerequisite to mystical union.

As Pater Edmund Waldstein, O.Cist, has observed, the purifying discipline of asceticism is practiced above all in the hierarchical and, indeed, coercive structure of the monastery, where the monk subjects himself to the rule of the abbot for the sake of perfect conformity to Christ: “The form of abbatial authority is truly Christological. The use of punishment in the Rule is a reaction to violation of the peace, meant to lead monks back to Christ, and the witness of monastic saints throughout the centuries testifies to its wisdom.”[26] The monastery enshrines the whole teleology of Catholic political life, as an ideal in which all the states of life should participate in varying degrees, and for which they are prepared by the pedagogical and ascetical power of law. Mysticism is served by self-emptying asceticism, and in the monastery this asceticism is practiced through self-abnegating obedience to the disciplinary regime of the abbot. Just as apophatic theology requires the denial of all created attributes of God, so does mysticism require the ascetical practice of self-abnegation and detachment from the world, through the practice of obedience.

Indeed, the virtues of self-denial, obedience, and detachment, are not merely analogous to but are the direct application and translation of apophatic theology into action. Ascetic discipline accomplishes precisely what Pseudo-Dionysius advised to his disciple Timothy, namely “[to] leave behind both sensible perceptions and intellectual efforts, and all objects of sense and intelligence, and all things not being and being.” Thus, it is impossible to separate the mystical life of self-abnegating love from the coercive pedagogy of ascetical discipline.

This truth is also profoundly Christological: ascetical discipline is precisely how the monk, who is the archetype of the Christian, conforms himself to Christ’s sacrifice. We may look at the example of Christ and rightly see in him the power of a non-violent love, based on the total renunciation of worldly power. Yet from another perspective, the entire purpose of Christ’s sacrifice was to take upon himself the punishment due to humanity on account of sin, and thus to make himself a victim of God’s redemptive violence, a just and holy coercion, for our sakes. Christ became obedient unto death, even the death of the cross (Philippians 2:8). Our conformity to Christ and his supreme charity comes through no other path than our participation in his sacrifice, our sharing in the burden which he bore for our sakes. But even if you should suffer because of righteousness, blessed are you… For Christ also suffered for sins once, the righteous for the sake of the unrighteous, that he might lead you to God. Put to death in the flesh, he was brought to life in the spirit. (1 Peter 3:14,18).

The monastic discipline of obedience is thus no mere worldly form of administration, but the very means by which the monk participates in the form of Christ. Likewise, the discipline of coercion within the context of the Church’s temporal rule is no mere worldly discipline or Machiavellian social technology; rather, it is an integral function within the Church’s greater ascetical and mystical mission: to achieve perfect union with God through self-denying obedience and self-emptying love.

In order to love perfectly, we who are marred by sin and selfishness, and subject to the dominion of the devil, must become victims of the violence of God’s love for us. His love is a purifying fire, and we must be purified. As long as we are imperfect, this love is necessarily experienced as a kind of coercion, even a burden; yet as we are progressively purified, we come to experience it as it is: love itself. The core of this truth has rarely been expressed better than by the poet, John Donne:

Batter my heart, three-person’d God, for you
As yet but knock, breathe, shine, and seek to mend;
That I may rise and stand, o’erthrow me, and bend
Your force to break, blow, burn, and make me new.
I, like an usurp’d town to another due,
Labor to admit you, but oh, to no end;
Reason, your viceroy in me, me should defend,
But is captiv’d, and proves weak or untrue.
Yet dearly I love you, and would be lov’d fain,
But am betroth’d unto your enemy;
Divorce me, untie or break that knot again,
Take me to you, imprison me, for I,
Except you enthrall me, never shall be free,
Nor ever chaste, except you ravish me.

This is a poetic, and itself deeply mystical, expression of the truth reiterated by Pope St. John Paul II, in Veritatis Splendor, that the impure and the obstinate will inevitably experience love itself as coercion, but a coercion that eventually gives way to the free gift of self in love:

Those who live “by the flesh” experience God’s law as a burden, and indeed as a denial or at least a restriction of their own freedom. On the other hand, those who are impelled by love and “walk by the Spirit” (Gal 5:16), and who desire to serve others, find in God’s Law the fundamental and necessary way in which to practise love as something freely chosen and freely lived out. Indeed, they feel an interior urge — a genuine “necessity” and no longer a form of coercion — not to stop at the minimum demands of the Law, but to live them in their “fullness”.[27]

Conclusion

The Christian life is consummated in mystical contemplation, a pure union with God in self-emptying love and apophatic silence, after the model of Christ’s great act of love on the cross. As the Second Vatican Council taught in Lumen Gentium, this great vocation belongs to all men, and it is the Church’s mission to invite them into this mystery. Essential to this mission is the use of divinely granted authority and power: “In virtue of this power, bishops have the sacred right and duty before the Lord to make laws for their subjects, to pass judgment on them and to moderate everything pertaining to the ordering of worship and the apostolate.”[28] The faithful, in their turn, are obligated to “accept in Christian obedience decisions of their spiritual shepherds, since they are representatives of Christ as well as teachers and rulers in the Church. Let them follow in the example of Christ, who by His obedience even unto death, opened to all men the blessed way of the liberty of the children of God.”[29]

At its essence, Catholic integralism professes nothing other than this profound doctrine of the Church as the community wherein persons are schooled in the love of God through the practice of obedience, in conformity to the example of Christ who was supremely obedient — even to the point of becoming a victim of God’s redemptive violence. The ascetical life, practiced through obedience to the Church’s disciplinary power, is nothing but the Christian’s way of sharing in Christ’s obedience, in preparation for the perfect union of contemplative love.

Footnotes

  1. Hanby, Michael, “For and Against Integralism,” in First Things: https://www.firstthings.com/article/2020/03/for-and-against-integralism
  2. Schindler, David, “Integralism as Fragmentation,” in New Polity, Issue 2.2, May 2021, 21-32.
  3. De Coelesti Hierarchia, XV.9.
  4. De Mystica Theologia, I.1.
  5. Summa Theologiae, I, q.3, Prologue.
  6. ST, I, q.12, a.12.
  7. Summa Contra Gentiles, I.31.
  8. Ibid, I.30.
  9. De Potentia, q.7, a.5, ad.14.
  10. ST, I, q.12, a.1.
  11. Super Boethium De Trinitate, q.3, a.1.
  12. Ibid, q.1, a.4.
  13. ST, II-II, q.5, a.3.
  14. ST, II-II, q.1, a.10.
  15. Cf. ST, I, q.1, a.1: “Even as regards those truths about God which human reason could have discovered, it was necessary that man should be taught by a divine revelation; because the truth about God such as reason could discover, would only be known by a few, and that after a long time, and with the admixture of many errors.”
  16. ST, II-II, q.109, a.2.
  17. Ibid, ad.3.
  18. ST, I-II, q.101, a.2, ad.2.
  19. Code of Canon Law, §1311: “The Church has the innate and proper right to coerce offending members of the Christian faithful with penal sanctions.”
  20. Cf. ST, I-II, q.90, a.1. Cf. also Thomas Pink, “Suarez on Authority as a Coercive Teacher.”
  21. Cf. Ibid, ad.1.
  22. ST, I-II, q.95, a.1.
  23. Cf. ST, I, q.115, a.4, ad 3
  24. https://churchlifejournal.nd.edu/articles/the-integralist-mirroring-of-liberal-ideals/
  25. https://churchlifejournal.nd.edu/articles/integralism-and-the-logic-of-the-cross/
  26. Veritatis Splendor, 18
  27. Lumen Gentium, 27
  28. Ibid, 37.